Organizations, People, and Institutions
CETRAC (Centro de Comunidades y Trabajadores Center for Workers
& Communities) Organization of maquildora and ex-maquiladora
workers which grew out of the Sony Strike in 1994. It is united to educate
themselves about their rights, to raise awareness, organize and support
the workers on issues of exploitation and the necessity to improve their
standard of living, and to promote community development projects. We
struggle to build a world of equality and social justice, which is united
in the international solidarity of workers for a world in which people
are more important than the economic interests of the few and where
we can retrieve a human vision of work. They are our hosts in Nuevo
Laredo and partners with Cross Border Network in much of our work. Principal
organizers: Felicitas (Fela) Contreras and Nelly Benitez.
CJM (Coalition for Justice
in the Maquiladoras) a trinational coalition (US, Canada, Mexico)
based in San Antonio which educates about the maquiladoras and gives
support to workers affected by the integration of the North American
economy. Its members are unions, religious groups, social justice organizations,
and individuals. Staff: Martha Ojeda, executive director; Jennifer Collins,
development director, Megan Bobier, Communications Director.
Some Mexican Labor Organizations
CTM (Confederación de Trabajadores Mexicanos Confederation
of Mexican Workers) The largest official or corporatist (sometimes
called charro) labor federation in Mexico, for 70 years carried out
policies of the ruling PRI Institutional Revolutionary Party
inside the unions. Now that the PRI is out of power, CTM is dealing
with the new government and not much has changed. The CTM along with
other government-dominated federations (the CROC and CROM) and a few
large unions make up the Congress of Labor, the highest labor body in
Mexico. Its leader of 60 years, Secretary General Fidel Velasquez, died
in 1997, leaving a power vacuum inadequately filled by Leonardo Rodríguez
Alcaine, who does not have the iron grip of his predecessor. On the
border the strength of official unionism varies, but in the State of
Tamaulipas where Nuevo Laredo and Matamoros are, the CTM has a virtual
monopoly. In Nuevo Laredo, the CTM leader is a former waiter named Chema
Morales. He is very powerful and very corrupt. In November 1997 the
CTM signed a joint declaration with the AFL-CIO reestablishing historical
ties, pledging mutual respect for national sovereignty and union autonomy
and agreeing to cooperate on immigrant rights issues in the facilitating
cross-border contacts between member unions to strengthen representation
and rights of Mexican workers in the U.S. and in the maquiladoras in
Mexico. They will also jointly analyze the effects of NAFTA. The AFL-CIO
has relations with all labor organizations in Mexico.
UNT (Union Nacional de los Trabajadores National Workers Union)
founded in November, 1997 from independent unions and unions which
had severed their ties with the Congress of Labor. Its platform calls
for political independence, union democracy and a militant fight-back
against the governments neoliberal policies. Its 150 member
unions have 1_ million members. The most significant are the STRM (Telephone
Workers Union), STUNAM (Union of Workers of the National Autonomous
University), and SNTSS (National Union of Workers of Social Security).
The FAT (see below) has also been significant in the leadership. Last
year the UNT coordinated work stoppages in solidarity with striking
workers at Volkswagon in Puebla and helped them win their strike.
FAT (Frente Autentico del Trabajo Authentic Workers Front),
a small, independent labor and peasant federation formed in the 1960s
as an independent alternative for workers. It has a number of members
in its metal trades union STIHMACS, and has pioneered from the Mexican
side the development of ties to US and Canadian unions starting with
the UE, United Electrical Workers and extending to the Canadian Autoworkers
and the United Steelworkers today. FAT also supports worker and consumer
cooperatives and a concept called autogestión or worker self-management
(not as in team concept).
Major Mexican Political Parties
PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional Institutional Revolutionary
Party) Mexicos ruling party from 1929-2000. It lost its majority
in Congress in the 1997 elections (there is no clear majority) and the
mayoral race in the last two elections in Mexico City (to the PRD).
Already hard at work to maintain control in the elections of 2000. Its
most prominent leader is ex-President Ernesto Zedillo who was just appointed
to the Alcoa Board of Directors. Its most reviled former leader
is ex-president Carlos Salinas now a resident of Ireland, and its most
infamous former leader is Raul Salinas now in inmate in a Mexican penitentiary.
PAN (Partido de Acción Nacional National Action Party)
Conservative, neoliberal party which in the North generally represents
the maquiladora owners, but also rather populist in its calls for an
end to political corruption. In Tamaulipas, it is often allied with
the PRI. It is now the dominant party controlling the Presidency under
Vicente Fox and many governorships.
PRD (Partido Revolucionario Democratico Party of the Democratic
Revolution) a social democratic left alternative party whose founder,
Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas probably won the presidential elections
of 1988 before they were stolen. He was mayor of Mexico City then clearly
lost the elections to Fox in 2000, coming in 3rd. Since then the PRD
has been quite divided.
PARM (Partido Autentico de la Revolución Mexicana Authentic
Party of the Mexican Revolution) formed in the 1970s in Tamaulipas.
Although its much declined since then.
Labor Law/Rights/NAFTA
CAB (Junta de Conciliación y Arbitraje Conciliation
and Arbitration Board) The local labor court made up of an equal
number of labor and management representatives and one government representative.
The Boards hear complaints under Mexican Federal Labor Law, similar
to NLRB but because more rights are embedded in law in Mexico, its jurisdiction
is broader.
Article 123 of the Mexican Constitution (1917) guarantees workers
the right to organize labor unions and (by implication) the right to
bargain and strike. It set minimum labor standards (wage and hour),
mandated profit sharing between management and labor, protected women
and children, banned pay in scrip, established minimum health and safety
standards, and set up the Conciliation and Arbitration Boards.
LFD (Ley Federal de Trabajo Federal Labor Law) passed
in 1931 implementing Article 123, at its time one of the most progressive
labor laws in the world. Amendments expanded it to give second-class
rights for public employees. Provided for official registro (registration)
of three categories of unions: trade unions, unions of particular firms
and industrial unions (some local, some national) and also required
registro of labor federations. Through this mechanism the government
can deny registration and thus any legal standing to unions or union
leaders who do not support it politically. Federal labor law ostensibly
protects workers from firing without just cause, but if the CAB finds
in the workers favor the company gets to decide whether it will
reinstate the worker or pay three months severance pay and damages.
NAALC (North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation the
so-called NAFTA Labor Side Agreement under which organizations in one
country can bring complaints of violations of workers rights in another
of the three NAFTA countries. These complaints are then aired in hearings
organized by each countrys NAO (National Administrative Office).
The worst sanction (except in cases of health and safety violations
where trade sanctions are allowed) is to call for ministerial consultations
between our Secretary/Ministers of Labor. So far there have been
Maquiladora
Owners Association Powerful employer group in each border
town, maintains line against worker organizing, holds down wages, etc.
Meets nationally, regionally and locally. In other words, its
the bosses union.
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